The Phoney War on Drugs

The Government has repeatedly declared that it is fighting a War on Drugs. But in a new report Kathy Gyngell of the Centre for policy Studies argues that this has been a Phoney War.

Gyngell claims that the UK now has one of the most liberal drug policies in Europe. Both Sweden and the Netherlands (despite
popular misconceptions) have, she says, a more rigorous approach – and far fewer problems with drugs. In contrast, the UK faces a widening and a deepening crisis. Over the last 10 years, Class A consumption and ‘problem drug use’ have risen dramatically, drug use has spread to rural areas and the age of children’s initiation into drugs has dropped. 41% of 15 year olds, and 11% of 11 year olds, have taken drugs. Drug death rates continue to rise and are far higher than the European average. The UK has 47.5 deaths per million population (aged 15 to 64) compared to 22.0 in Sweden and 9.6 in the Netherlands. There are over ten Problem Drug Users (PDUs) per 1,000 of the adult population, compared to 4.5 in Sweden or 3.2 in the Netherlands. Gyngell shows how the Labour Government has taken a new direction for drug policy. Its new “harmreduction” strategy aimed to reduce the cost of problem drug use (PDU). The focus was switched from combating all illicit drug use to the problems of PDU. Cannabis was declassified. Spending on methadone treatment increased threefold between 2003 and 2008. The aim of treatment for drug offenders was no longer abstinence but management of their addiction with the aim of reducing their reoffending. In practice, this meant prescribing methadone.

But, argues Gyngell, this harm-reduction approach has failed. It has entrapped 147,000 people in state sponsored (mainly methadone) addiction. The numbers emerging from government treatment programmes are at the same level as if there had been no treatment programme at all.

Weak enforcement and prevention

The UK drugs market is estimated to be worth £5 billion a year. In comparison, the Government is spending only £380 million a year – or 28% of the total drugs budget – attempting to control the supply of drugs (over £800 million is spent on treatment programmes and reducing drug-related crime). Only five boats now patrol the UK’s 7,750 mile coastline.

The numbers of recorded offences for importing, supply and possession of illicit drugs have all fallen over the last 10 years. At the same time, seizures of drugs have fallen and drug prices have dropped to a record low. The quantity of heroin, cocaine and cannabis that has been seized coming into the UK has fallen by 68%, 16% and 34% respectively (the recent announcement by SOCA of record cocaine seizures should be treated with great caution).

Both Sweden and the Netherlands have far more coherent and effective drugs policies. These are based on the enforcement of the drug laws (unlike in the UK, the majority of the drugs budget in both countries is spent on prevention and enforcement); the prevention of all illicit drug use; and the provision of addiction care.

Gyngell complains that these principles have been lost sight of over the last 10 years in the UK. A successful UK drug policy would in contrast:

• focus on the illicit use of all drugs, not the harms caused by drug use abandon the harm reduction approach

• develop treatment support aimed at abstinence and rehabilitation

• include a far tougher, better-funded enforcement programme to reduce the supply of drugs.